FT
Opinion Chinese business & finance
It’s no longer glorious to get rich in China — it’s dangerous
Why no one wants to be the nation’s top tycoon any more
Last month, Colin Huang, founder of ecommerce powerhouse PDD, attracted the usual headlines when he rose to become China’s richest man. But shortly after, PDD surprised investors with a downbeat profit forecast. Its stock plummeted. Huang lost $14bn overnight, and ceded the top spot to Zhong Shanshan, founder of beverage giant Nongfu Spring. Within 24 hours, Nongfu Spring issued its own unexpectedly depressing outlook, and Zhong, too, soon slipped from first place on the rich lists.
On Chinese social media, chatter broke out about whether corporate leaders might be competitively devaluing their own stock prices to avoid the widening crackdown on excessive wealth, which is a centrepiece of leader Xi Jinping’s “common prosperity” campaign. It is not implausible to conclude, wrote one Wall Street broker, that “nobody wants to be the richest man in China” at a time when its government is turning more assertively socialist.
Whatever the true motive for these profit warnings, the way they were spun on Chinese social media reflects a real change in the national zeitgeist. When Deng Xiaoping became paramount leader in the late 1970s, he defanged the old Maoist hostility to wealth creation. To get rich would be “glorious” in his increasingly capitalist nation.
But there was a catch. It was glorious to get rich — just not too rich. China was generating far more wealth than other developing countries, yet its largest individual fortunes remained modest compared with those in much smaller economies, including Nigeria and Mexico. Even during the roaring boom of the 2000s, an unwritten cap seemed to remain: no single fortune would rise much higher than $10bn. China’s billionaire list was also unusual for the high rate of churn in its top ranks.
By the early 2010s, at least two tycoons had seen their net worth approach that decabillion-dollar barrier, only to land in jail on corruption charges instead. That is not to say the charges were baseless, only that the choice of targets did appear to reflect a lingering, levelling tendency among China’s leaders.
That instinct flowered anew under Xi. Coming to power in 2012, he launched a campaign against corruption that reached deep into the elite. The early targets were often public sector bigwigs — bureaucrats, Communist party princelings. With China’s economy slowing, the regime seemed reluctant to scare the one private-sector goose still laying golden eggs: big tech companies. Over the years, many Chinese would build fortunes bigger than $10bn. The first three to breach that threshold, and keep rising, were tech industry founders led by Jack Ma of Alibaba.
This quiet tolerance would turn in 2020, during the stimulus-driven market boom. China added nearly 240 billionaires — twice as many as the US — but late that same year Ma made a speech that helped bring this party to a halt. In a guarded but unmistakable critique, Ma questioned the direction of Communist party rule, warning that overregulation threatened to slow tech innovation, and that Chinese banks suffered from “pawnshop thinking”.
State retaliation was swift. Alibaba’s share price collapsed. Ma tumbled down the rich lists and dropped out of public view. Early the next year, Xi launched his common prosperity campaign and the crackdown spread to any company deemed out of step with its egalitarian values.
In this new era, it’s dangerous to get too rich. Stories abound of the state launching investigations against this business figure or that financier. The pressure is drying up venture capital funds, scaring the young away from lucrative professions such as investment banking. The number of millionaires leaving China has been rising and peaked last year at 15,000 — dwarfing the exodus from any other nation.
The private sector is in retreat. Since 2021, the stock market has been sliding, but state companies have grown their share of total market cap by more than a third to nearly 50 per cent. China now has the world’s only major stock market in which state-owned companies are valued on par with those in the private sector. Individual fortunes have shrunk dramatically over the past three years; the number of billionaires has fallen 35 per cent in China, even as it rose 12 per cent in the rest of the world.
China’s super-rich increasingly choose to lie low. Become the richest tycoon in the US and you might launch your own space programme. In India, you might throw gazillion-dollar weddings for your children. In China, you might look for a way to lose your new title — and the target on your back.
I’m sorry, is this a bourgeoisie joke that I’m too proletariat to understand?
Sounds like the lesson here is to solve the wealth concentration problem by instituting very high tax rates for very high income earners, instead of letting them get too rich and then jailing them afterwards.
That is not the lesson. The difference between China and capitalist states is not simply that China taxes the rich more; it goes much deeper. The difference is that in China, the state reflects the will of the working class, whereas in capitalist states it reflects the will of the capitalist class. The Marxist Theory of the State: An Introduction
I understand the whole “China is theoretically Marxist” thing, but since we’re talking about Chinese billionaires, clearly something hasn’t gone quite to plan!
Also, I was really more interested in implying a comparison to America and how it should handle the same sort of problem under a capitalist framework rather than trying to give China advice, but re-reading my comment I think I left that connection too obscure.
since we’re talking about Chinese billionaires, clearly something hasn’t gone quite to plan!
I’m not sure that’s true, or if it did, only slightly. China Has Billionaires
I was really more interested in implying a comparison to America and how it should handle the same sort of problem under a capitalist framework
The New Deal and its neoliberal rollback shows that it can have some limited, temporary effect, but only to save capitalism from itself in a crisis, like the Great Depression.
clearly something hasn’t gone quite to plan!
No, everything has gone exactly to plan!
The Chinese state like all states reflects purely the will of the state.
For example, I don’t think slaughtering protesters at Tiananmen Square was reflecting the will of the working class.
What it was reflecting was the will of the state to preserve its own power.
States don’t just run themselves; the class that in is control drives the agenda.
Literally no one died in Tiananmen Square itself, the people who did die (outside of the square) were not “massacred,” and many of them were unarmed police and military. The whole event was not what we were told.
- The Tian’anmen Square ‘Massacre’: The West’s Most Persuasive, Most Pervasive Lie.
- 1989 Tian’anmen Square riots
- A Note on the Tiananmen Protests
- Images from Tiananmen 1989 the West never shows (NSFW / CW: violence and death)
- Tank Man video footage. Tiananmen Square, Beijing, 1989
- How psy-ops warriors fooled me about Tiananmen Square: a warning
- [Carl Zha’s] Memories of Tiananmen Protest
Actually I think the CCP views them as a political threat. They probably already get enough since they technically jointly own businesses and can just take assets at any time.
Probably let them become successful and then follow up with a threat to make sure they don’t become a problem while vaguely pointing at Jack Ma
Actually I think the CCP views them as a political threat.
Yes. When the CPC introduced a limited amount of capitalism, it did it with full knowledge of the threat it posed. That’s why it has—to paraphrase Grover Norquist—kept capitalism shrunk down to the size where it can drown it in the bathtub.
They probably already get enough since they technically jointly own businesses and can just take assets at any time.
The Chinese state controls its sovereign fiat money. It can print as much money as it wants to. It can simply buy private Chinese companies outright, and eventually will, because they created this limited capitalism as merely a means to an end: communism.
Actually I think the CCP views them as a political threat.
I mean, they’re not wrong about that. I sure wish the Democrats had the same awareness. (The Republicans do have such awareness, and are actively allying with them.)
Still, in both long-term (wealth inequality leading to political instability) and acute (billionaires becoming a political threat directly) terms, I continue to think that nipping the problem in the bud by making exponentially harder to accumulate wealth beyond 8, 9, 10… digits via very-progressive taxation is a much better idea than trying to manage and contain billionaires afterwards.
I sure wish the Democrats had the same awareness.
The Democrats know, they just don’t give a shit, and their alliance just leans more towards the international bourgeoisie than Republicans, who favor the national bourgeoisie. They would only be a “threat” if they represented a distinct force that would overtake them, which would imply Democrats are on a different side. Whose side could the Democrats possibly be on except the American and to some extent international bourgeoisie? They certainly are not on the side of the people, and you need only look at voting discourse for a fraction of an instant to see that the Dems don’t give a shit about popular sentiments and are happy to tell their otherwise-supporters who want the genocide in Gaza to end that they are Iranian assets or otherwise “Pro-terrorist”.
In India, you might throw gazillion-dollar weddings for your children.
If throwing lavish parties was all our oligarchs did, I’d be happy. I know Indira Gandhi did a lot of horrible things, but sometimes I wish we elect someone like her again, to once again put the fear of nationalisation into these leeches.
I’m normally pretty critical of China but this I can get behind.